The following is an interview with Professor Wojciech Roszkowski, a writer and historian specialising in Polish and European history during the 20th and 21st centuries. He is also a former MEP of the ruling Law and Justice (PiS) party. Wojciech Roszkowski is one of the primary references among conservative Polish intellectuals. In one of his latest books, he reviewed the significant events of Polish politics in recent years.
Sébastien Meuwissen: Throughout the 1990s and until the mid-2000s, Poland was ruled almost continuously by the post-communist left (SLD). One of the most recognisable figures of this period remains former President Lech Wałęsa. In Western Europe and in many liberal and left-wing circles, Wałęsa remains a sort of sacred beast, and any criticism of him is frowned upon. What does this character inspire in you? What is your opinion of this historical figure?
Wojciech Roszkowski: It should really be emphasized that the left did not rule without interruption. There were small exceptions, such as the Olszewski government that lasted from December 1991 to June 1992 during Lech Wałęsa’s presidency. What Wałęsa says today is so self-incriminating that it is difficult to understand what his intentions were during the first half of the 1990s.
His slogans referred to the acceleration of the country’s decommunisation. He did nothing in this direction, however. During his five-year presidency between 1990 and 1995, he maintained the post-communist system as it was. It should also be noted that in the end, he was surrounded almost exclusively by members of the intelligence services.
The problem that arises is how to categorise Wałęsa. Was he a post-communist or an anti-communist? We are dealing with a huge misunderstanding here. Millions of Poles believed, and still believe today, that Wałęsa was an anti-communist while he was in fact a post-communist. He was at the centre of countless dubious affairs. It was he who presented the idea of transforming the Soviet bases on Polish territory into mixed Russian-Polish complexes. These are facts.
In order to understand the Polish post-communist governments of the 1990s, one needs to have a new perspective on Wałęsa, because it is possibly the biggest fraud in modern Polish history. I would like to stress, however, that his activity as leader of the Solidarity trade union in the early 1980s was not harmful. The worst started when he became president.
Sébastien Meuwissen: The mid-2000s represented a turning point for Polish politics. The country joined the European Union in 2004. The following year, the conservative Law and Justice (PiS) party won the legislative elections, beating the liberals of the Civic Platform (PO). There was another victory for the conservative camp shortly after with the surprise victory of Lech Kaczyński over Donald Tusk in the presidential elections. The 2005-2007 period was therefore marked by a Law and Justice government that can hardly be described as successful. What is your opinion on that matter?
Wojciech Roszkowski: At that time, the animosity between PiS and PO was still significantly less than what we know today. Observers even predicted that these two political forces would join in a coalition. It did not happen. PiS’ situation was complicated given its lack of a majority in the parliament, and it therefore had to form a coalition. PO quickly became an aggressive opposition party. In this situation, the only possible coalition partners were either the right-wing populists of the Self-Defence Party or the League of Polish Families, which had dubious roots and programmes but they were determined to rise to power. It ended badly. The question is whether PiS could have done anything other than make an attempt with them. Later, Jarosław Kaczyński even apologised for this coalition attempt. The art of governing consists of, among other things, having sufficient strength, however, and PiS alone did not have the majority.
Sébastien Meuwissen: Then comes 2007, with a clear victory for PO in the legislative elections but without an absolute majority. The day after this success, PO entered into a coalition with the centre-right PSL party. From 2008, we can observe a real dissonance between the foreign policy led by the conservative president, Lech Kaczyński, and the liberal duo of Prime Minister Donald Tusk and his Minister of Foreign Affairs, Radosław Sikorski. This is the start of what you call a “dramatic cohabitation”. Why do you use such an expression?
Wojciech Roszkowski: As soon as the new government was formed, Tusk’s Civic Platform launched what some call an “industry of disdain” towards President Kaczyński. I don’t know how to sum it up in the best possible way. I think the question we need to ask concerning the situation we are talking about is: what are the limits on criticising political opponents? In a situation where we differ on a great number of points, do we try to cooperate despite these differences or do we try to destroy the opponent by all means?
From my point of view, in a democratic system, the best solution is cooperation, because a state torn by conflict at the top between the prime minister and the president puts itself in a situation which leads to failure. One of the most prominent examples of this period was the refusal of the Tusk government to provide President Kaczyński with a plane to go to an EU summit in 2008. He finally flew to Brussels privately to represent Poland. I felt dizzy back then, because the very credibility of the Polish state was in question.
We don’t live on the Moon. Behind our Eastern border is Russia, which, I believe, took note of this situation with great interest. Moscow saw that it was possible to destroy this country from within. My intuition whispers to me that this is when the events which would soon lead to the Smoleńsk disaster began. As a matter of fact, Donald Tusk and Lech Kaczyński travelled to Russia in two separate planes.
I think historians will sooner or later prove the truth of my thesis. Countless facts and testimonies are there, just waiting to be investigated. Several mysterious suicides also took place before and after the crash. I am thinking in particular of the Self-Defence Party’s leader, Andrzej Lepper, who was about to transmit confidential information to Jarosław Kaczyński. Not to mention Tusk’s behaviour in the hours and days following the tragedy...
