– How would you assess the direction European politics has taken in 2024, particularly from the perspective of Hungarian interests?
– This past year has been one of transition both in Europe and global politics, and every transition carries the possibility of change. The events of 2024 highlighted the need for change in Europe and revealed an ever stronger desire for change. A political force genuinely representing this change has now taken shape in Europe. At the beginning of the year, nearly everyone—except Hungary—argued that the solution to the Russia-Ukraine war lay on the battlefield. Today, influential advocates for a ceasefire and peace negotiations have emerged. By the end of the year, the majority of member states had adopted Hungary’s stance on migration. Following the European Parliament elections this summer, the EP's previously dominant coalition of the European People’s Party (EPP), Socialists, Liberals, and Greens suffered significant losses. New, distinctly right-wing party groups have emerged. Our political allies have gained remarkable strength in France, the Czech Republic, and Austria, and they are now a force to be reckoned with in nearly every member state. The elections in the United States also brought about change: the Democrats, who fundamentally influenced the actions of the Brussels elite and provided massive support to our political opponents, were swept out of power.
In terms of Hungary's interests, the stars today are aligned much more favorably than they were at the start of the year. However, the change we advocate for in Europe will not happen on its own. We must fight for it, even if that means opposing European institutions. This struggle will bring numerous conflicts, many of which are still ahead of us. Thanks to the changes of 2024, however, we are now shaping Europe’s political dynamics: we are growing stronger, we know our direction, and we have the upper hand.
– What role might the Patriots for Europe movement play in the next term of the European Parliament?
– The 2024 EP elections brought about fundamental change. The Patriots' faction is already the third-largest force in the European Parliament. Its formation marked the emergence of a genuine European alternative to the Brussels mainstream—one that is unapologetically right-wing, conservative, and sovereigntist. The Patriots' group has the potential to create a new political landscape in Europe. It could become the new point of reference in European politics and, within a few years, European politicians will likely define themselves either in collaboration with, or opposition to, the Patriots
Moreover, for the first time in the European Parliament’s history, self-identified right-wing parties now hold a majority on their own. The Patriots’ strength can be amplified through collaboration and coordination with the broader European right and through the consolidation of right-wing forces in Europe. This process, however, is only just beginning.
Naturally, Brussels' political elite was swift to close its ranks against this new challenge: the European People’s Party, Socialists and Liberals reorganized themselves with the external assistance of the and Greens, with this new bloc trampling parliamentary rules and norms in an attempt to isolate the Patriots behind a “sanitary cordon.” But their strategy is doomed to fail. The Patriots’ strength does not lie in Brussels’ institutional maneuvering but in their unique and credible representation of Europeans’ desire for change. The Brussels mainstream lacks both the will and the ability to enact change: the same players, mechanisms, interests, and ideologies persist. The Patriots, by contrast, are mobilizing the forces opposed to this status quo. They are not merely an opposition within the system; they represent an alternative to the system itself.
– What's your assessment of the achievements of Hungary’s EU presidency?
– Hungary’s presidency had character, it was active and had strategic thinking. It had character because, from day one, we were proud to present it as a Hungarian presidency. We aimed to demonstrate our unique thoughts and vision of the European Union, European integration, its institutions, and the challenges that Europe is facing. We made it clear that we offer distinct solutions, which diverge from the mainstream European approach. From the outset, we advocated for change and sought to be the voice and catalyst for that transformation. At no point did the Hungarian presidency abandon its role as an honest mediator. Nevertheless, we were determined to initiate change, even in the face of institutional resistance. Our presidency was active, with pioneering initiatives such as the first-ever EU ministerial conference on demographics, a unanimously adopted statement by agricultural ministers on the future of the Common Agricultural Policy, and the proposal for a Schengen summit. We kept these proposals on the agenda, even when they sparked heated debates. And Hungary’s presidency was strategic, because our goal was to chart a course for European institutions to follow over the next five years. This required a higher level of abstract, long-term strategic thinking. Looking at the Budapest Declaration, conclusions on the future of the Common Agricultural Policy, or the strategic guidelines for internal and justice cooperation—all adopted under our presidency—I believe we managed to rise to the challenge.
(Photo: AFP)
– What were the most significant successes, and what challenges did you have to overcome?
– It's worth recalling that, at the start of Hungary’s EU presidency, some sought to strip us of the task, while others called for a boycott. Today, such discussions have all but disappeared. It is now indisputable that the Hungarian presidency was successful. Hungary’s EU aparatus, including the civil service and diplomats at the Permanent Representation to the EU, performed their duties in a well-organized, efficient and professional manner. Moreover, we demonstrated that we are not only capable of managing the administrative aspects of the presidency but also of presenting a vision for Europe. This enabled us to initiate substantive debates on the strategic directions of EU policy.
– What concrete results were achieved during these six months?
– During Hungary’s presidency, more than a thousand working group meetings, fifty ambassadorial consultations, thirty formal council meetings, and thirteen informal council meetings were held in Brussels, Luxembourg, and Budapest. These numbers are impressive in their own right. However, what truly matters is that, thanks to our presidency, decisions were made that will shape the functioning of the European Union in the long term. A historic success is that Bulgaria and Romania will become full members of the Schengen Area on January 1, 2025. Negotiations on this issue began during Hungary’s previous presidency, and it is a particular political achievement from the Hungarian presidency - and personally from Hungary's interior minister - that consensus was finally reached in an issue where man ymember states had harbored political reservations for decades.
This is a true success story, tied to the expansion of perhaps one of the EU’s most significant achievements for its citizens: a Europe without internal borders. We also succeeded in restarting the long-stalled integration process of the Western Balkans. During our presidency, two intergovernmental conferences were held with Albania. In Montenegro’s case, three negotiation chapters were provisionally closed during an intergovernmental conference. Serbia’s accession negotiations also gained new momentum, bringing the opening of the third cluster of chapters within reach. We achieved consensus on a Council declaration promoting Jewish life and combating antisemitism. At a time when antisemitism, in its old and new forms, is gaining traction in Western Europe, it is especially important to stand up for the protection of our Jewish communities and institutions. This is a European issue, because Jewish communities are an integral part of Europe’s heritage and culture. Without them, Europe would no longer be Europe.
– The participants adopted the Budapest Declaration at a summit held in Hungary. How would you evaluate the Budapest summit more than a month later? Which outcomes are you most proud of, and what are the lessons to be learned of the events?
– I consider the Budapest Declaration to be our presidency’s greatest success. Its adoption was tied to the largest diplomatic event in Hungary’s modern history, which—in and of itself—was a logistical, organizational, and protocol triumph. But the content of the Budapest Declaration is equally noteworthy. For decades, the EU has been losing competitiveness against the United States and China, and this slow agony has been further worsened by demographic decline and the flawed responses from Brussels to the shifting geopolitical landscape. This realization led the heads of state and government to define concrete measures and tasks for the European institutions, such as declaring a revolution in simplification or setting the goal of reducing energy prices. These are not abstract statistical problems but issues directly related to sustainable jobs, predictably rising wages, and the future of European industry and agriculture. Of course, the work is still ahead of us, but the Budapest Declaration succeeded in placing European competitiveness at the heart of the EU’s work for the next five years.
– Do you see a chance that the EU's current institutional system will better consider the differing interests of member states?
– I have little hope that EU institutions will suddenly reform themselves. They will continue to make the same flawed decisions they always have until national politicians in every member state realize that their own fates are at stake. To date, it has not been Brussels bureaucrats but elected national politicians who have borne the consequences of Europe’s declining security and well-being—both of which are significantly due to flawed decisions made in Brussels. Unless they enforce change, everything will remain as it is. Brussels is more than willing to fill the political vacuum left by struggling national governments. The Patriots have recognized this reality and consciously assumed the role of opposition to EU institutions. The mastering and consistent represention of this opposition role will - in my view - be the most important challenge of 2025.
– How do you view the EU’s current situation at the end of the year, particularly regarding economic challenges and the handling of the conflict in Ukraine?
– I won’t mince my words: Europe is in trouble. The symptoms of its illness are all around us, wherever we look. But where should we look, in order to identify the causes? Europe is in trouble because the European Union is grappling with the greatest crisis in its history, and it's responded to this crisis with repeated missteps ove rthe past ten years. In order to restore Europe’s health, we must heal the European Union itself. We need to present a real alternative to the EU’s response to the Russia-Ukraine war - one that offers the prospect of peace and a new European security architecture. We need to offer a real alternative to the EU’s migration policies - one that truly protects our external borders. We need to present a real alternative to the EU’s green policies - one that preserves European jobs and industry while ensuring fair livelihoods for European farmers. We must restore respect for EU law and protect national competences, because today we stand powerless in the face of the EU institutions’ arbitrariness. This is all work thatwe must undertake ourselves, as no one else will do it for us.
But let's not lose confidence! What appeared unimaginable just a few years ago is now reality: the Patriots are the third-largest faction in the European Parliament. And what seems unimaginable today will become reality in a few years: we will be at the center of a new European majority.
Cover photo: Hungarian EU Affairs Minister Janos Boka (Photo: Ministry of European Union Affairs)
