While many consider the 2015 migration wave the start of the crisis, it actually dates back further. In 2013, a boat carrying Libyan migrants sank near the island of Lampedusa, claiming 360 lives, which led to the launch of the EU’s Mare Nostrum operation that year, Arpad Parducz recalled. In Hungary, the issue gained prominence in 2014, when large numbers of Kosovars began arriving at the border, Anna Orosz explained. Although this wasn’t a new phenomenon, the sheer volume of arrivals that year sparked fears of Kosovo emptying out. The situation eased when Germany drastically tightened its immigration rules, designating all Western Balkan countries as safe.
Migration from the region remains an issue today. However, those trying to leave are not refugees; it’s a clear case of economic migration.
Migration is a key issue
Migration played a significant role in June’s European Parliament elections, as well as in several national and regional elections, Agnes Vass noted. She cited last year’s Dutch elections, as well as the French and Austrian elections this year, and the state elections in Germany. During campaign periods, the rhetoric of several parties increasingly reflects the Hungarian government’s position on migration, which it's advocated since 2015.
Hungary’s role in Europe's search for a solution may involve presenting alternatives and building coalitions, Arpad Parducz emphasized.
In the Balkans, migration is not a central political issue. This may be due to the relative poverty of these countries, or the fact that many of them recently endured war, leading to a different sense of social solidarity, Anna Orosz underlined. However, migration could become a political issue in Albania during the 2025 elections in light of the recent Italian-Albanian agreement.
The question of what course Germany decides to take will be key in managing migration at the EU level, but German politics is full of contradictions on this issue, Csaba Stefan stated. While the German constitution is rather liberal when it comes to granting rights to refugees, for a long time, Germany did not want to become a country of immigrats. The turning point came in the 2000s under the Schroder government and reached its peak under Chancellor Angela Merkel.
At that time, the prevailing thought in German politics was that migration would benefit the economy by addressing labor shortages and easing demographic challenges. Initially, only skilled labor was welcomed, but they kept lowering the bar, gradually. The plan to integrate migrants into the labor market persisted, just as the idea to address the country's economic woes with newcomers, even though
the era of Wilkommenskultur has clearly ended.
In contrast, Denmark offers a working model that could serve as an example for European countries. Denmark focuses on cultural integration, requiring migrants to understand that while they receive support from society, they must also contribute in return. However, Denmark’s situation is unique, as it is exempt from certain EU regulations, and cultural issues remain within the competence of member states.
Cover photo: Participants at the Hungarian Institute of International Affairs’ roundtable discussion titled Has Central Europe's Position on Immigration Been Proven Right? A Shift in the EU's Migration Paradigm (Photo by the author)