– The situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo remains extremely unstable. The rebel group M23 has seized control of the city of Goma, and reports indicate that fighting continues. What impact could this conflict have on the rest of the country and the neighboring states?
– This is not a new conflict; it has been ongoing for decades. The situation in eastern Congo is extremely complex, involving multiple actors, including various militias, gangs, semi-regular forces, and foreign interest groups. Eastern Congo is very far from the capital, making it difficult for state authorities to maintain order and security in the region. The situation has now reached the threshold of international attention, as the weeks-long fighting has already claimed thousands of lives. M23’s forces are openly supported by Rwanda, which provides them with weapons and financial resources. As a result, a horrific humanitarian catastrophe has unfolded in eastern Congo. Hundreds of thousands of people have been displaced, food shortages are severe, healthcare services have collapsed, and access to clean water and electricity has been cut off.
– A few days ago, you and your colleagues spoke via videoconference with the Bishop of Goma, Willy Ngumbi. How do you assess the humanitarian situation he described? What role can Christian churches play in addressing the crisis?
– The Bishop of Goma gave us a firsthand account of the dire situation. More than two million people are in the city, and under worsening conditions, diseases such as cholera, malaria, and other infectious illnesses are spreading. The rural population that fled to the city due to the fighting cannot return home, leading to extreme overcrowding and putting the city’s infrastructure under enormous strain. The bishop emphasized that securing the airport and the port is crucial, as humanitarian aid can only reach the city through these channels. His most important message was that the international community must do everything possible to facilitate negotiations between the parties and address the humanitarian crisis. It is important to recognize that the conflict is not only driven by local political and ethnic tensions but also by the region’s economic significance. Eastern Congo is rich in strategically important raw materials such as cobalt and lithium, and these raw material sites of strategic importance attract many local and foreign interest groups.
– Looking at the broader picture, Africa serves as a geopolitical battleground between the West and the China-Russia axis. France has begun withdrawing its military forces from Chad, with President Emmanuel Macron claiming this is not a retreat but a reorganization. However, this is not the first country in the region from which French troops have left, leading many to see it as a broader pullback. Could this trend continue, further shrinking the Francophone world’s influence in Africa?
– It is clear that France’s military influence has weakened, but its economic and financial presence remains strong. Time will tell how this process unfolds. Among European countries, France still has the most significant political and economic influence in Africa. Looking at external actors, Russia does not have a major economic presence, but the presence of the Wagner Group is a serious security factor. The real strategic player is China, which has effectively infiltrated the entire continent with its investments and ownership interests. Beijing boasts almost unlimited financial resources in Africa. Europe can only respond effectively to this through a unified approach, but so far, we have not seen the necessary economic and security strategy. We must consider not just economic factors but also the challenges related to migration. The narrative that mass migration from Africa to Europe is beneficial is completely false. It is not good for the countries migrants leave, and it is not a long-term solution for Europe either. Conservative estimates suggest that 20 million migrants are currently on the move within Africa, and this number is expected to rise to 25 million by 2025. Our goal should be an economic strategy focused on security and reducing migration; otherwise, China will gain even greater influence over the continent.
– France continues to maintain the so-called African Financial Community Franc (CFA franc), which is widely criticized for tying African currencies directly to the euro. Critics argue that this serves to sustain economic dependence, hinders development and contributes to the continent’s exploitation. Given France’s shrinking military presence, could this financial system also weaken or even disappear?
– It is too early to say. French companies operating in the region and maintaining extensive networks still rely on this financial system. While France may be retreating militarily, the countries in question remain dependent on external actors—if not France, then someone else, primarily China. This dependence will not disappear overnight. I don't like to use the term "exploitation," especially as someone from a former communist country, but it is telling that West Africa remains one of the continent’s poorest regions, despite being part of France’s economic sphere for decades. This is a huge contradiction. The economic model in the region is essentially designed to serve French economic interests while providing only minimal social and healthcare services to the local population. This is a global scandal that receives far too little attention! Just compare Francophone countries to those with an Anglo-Saxon background, such as Ghana or Gambia. These nations perform noticeably better, despite Gambia’s small size. The question arises: if Anglo-Saxon countries can achieve sustainable development, why can’t the Francophone countries?
– Speaking of China, as part of the Belt and Road Initiative, Beijing is financing massive infrastructure and economic projects across Africa, maintaining a presence in everything from raw material extraction to transportation development. Aside from French economic influence, does the European Union have any response to China’s strategy?
– This is a crucial question. No European country has an interest in Europe’s presence in Africa weakening further. However, it's a fact that the continent's influence built on traditional colonial ties has significantly eroded. So, what's next? Some EU member states—such as France, Italy, and Germany—still have significant economic and political interests in Africa, but individually, they are not strong enough to counter China’s expansion. In Kenya, for example, China built the 470-kilometer Mombasa railway, just as it constructed the 752-kilometer Ethiopia-Djibouti railway. Hungary’s case is interesting in this regard. Previously, we had almost no presence in Africa, but now we are becoming increasingly active both economically and in humanitarian efforts. In the past year alone, two African heads of state—the presidents of Chad and Congo—visited Hungary, indicating serious diplomatic engagement. Hungary has a significant advantage in that it is not burdened by colonial traumas, allowing it to build honest, mutually beneficial relations with Africa.
– The European Union is active in humanitarian aid, but its development strategy faces considerable criticism. How effective is EU assistance in Africa?
– The EU’s humanitarian role is significant, but there are two major problems. The first is effectiveness. For decades, substantial funds have been sent to Africa as development aid, yet the results have been minimal. Much of the funding is channeled through international organizations or directly to governments, rather than reaching local communities and organizations. If we truly want to help, we need programs that are based on local traditions and economic realities—such as agricultural development. The second problem is that the EU increasingly ties aid to ideological conditions. Instead of simply providing development support, it imposes political and ideological expectations. This is a huge mistake. China, a committed advocate of communism, has never, to my knowledge, tied any economic cooperation to ideological conditions over the past decade. The EU, however, continues to do so—whether it concerns gender policies or other Western societal expectations. This kind of “ideological imperialism” is counterproductive because it alienates African countries. They don’t want this. What’s needed is not democracy export, but a pragmatic strategy that genuinely supports the region’s development.
– When it comes to prividing practical assistance, what role can Hungary play in this Europe-Africa relationship?
One of Hungary’s main strengths is providing local assistance. This is not some abstract “development strategy,” but rather concrete infrastructural and humanitarian projects. In areas such as education and healthcare, for example, we can effectively contribute through hospital development, the creation of specialized clinics, and the building of healthcare infrastructure. These are the kinds of developments that truly improve the lives of locals. The Hungary Helps program is particularly significant in this regard and is internationally recognized. Hungary's approach is deemed credible because it views the security and migration issues as closely interconnected. African countries are not interested in seeing their young, working-age generations leave; rather, they want them to stay and build a future at home. This is why it’s important to reshape EU development policy, so that African nations do not have to meet external ideological demands. Instead, we need to launch programs that genuinely contribute to a dignified existence—and perhaps even to development.
