You have initiated a change and opening a new era for the party, promising not just a shift in style but also renewal in structure and approach. After six months, where does this process stand? What is the biggest challenge, and where is progress already visible?
We are in the midst of intensive work, and there is still much to do. The membership review is now concluding, giving us a clearer picture of the state of local organizations and identifying active members. I will report on the current status at the National Council meeting in Kassa (Kosice) to be held on April 5—a symbolic date, the 80th anniversary of the adoption of the Kosice government program and the issuance of the Benes Decrees. In addition to our local members, another key priority is building background institutions or, if you will, partner organizations that support the party. One such initiative is the Association of Hungarian Municipalities in Slovakia, which is currently being registered and aims to unite Hungarian mayors and municipal councilors from west to east in Slovakia. Beyond advocacy, it would provide concrete services to municipalities. We have also set up a team of young analysts who prepare expert materials to support decision-making.
For example, they analyzed the law on financing municipalities, and now the amendment of the sports law is on the agenda to address inciting hatred against ethnic groups in stadiums and the recent stabbing incident. We are also establishing a network of regional managers who will organize communities and convey the party’s messages. This is an ongoing process that must be continuously maintained, but if we build this network successfully, we will move closer to opening the new era I promised.
On the intellectual level, I find it crucial to set a clear direction for the party so that people understand who we are and what we represent. The Party of the Hungarian Community (MKP) was once defined as a pro-European party, while Hid/Most had a more civic, liberal character. Meanwhile, the remaining MKP—later Hungarian Community Party—operated for a long time without a clear identity. Now that the Hungarian Alliance remains the only relevant Hungarian party, it needed a distinct profile.
This led to the Felvidek First program—somewhat paraphrasing the ideas of Donald Trump and Viktor Orban.
This means focusing on issues vital for our Hungarian community—issues that no one else will represent. These include preventing the tightening of the language law, ensuring a fair approach to the downsizing of the school network, and addressing regional concerns such as the hospital in Rimaszombar (Rimavska Sobota), the nuclear waste storage facility in the Gomor (Gemer) region, and road infrastructure development. These matters are absent from the programs of Slovak parties. This is a political program of local patriotism—dedication to our homeland, support for regions, and representation of local issues. Without this, the Hungarian community in Slovakia cannot strengthen. But I want to prove that we have a future—and we can build it together.
What are the Hungarian Alliance’s most important political goals for 2025?
The key goal is to establish a functioning system encompassing everything I just mentioned. We need to strengthen structurally, intellectually, and as a community—and this must have a measurable impact on party preferences. Politically, our goal is growth and strengthening. Our goal for the community is to create strategic calm. We want to create an environment for Slovakia's Hungarian communities where there is no apathy or despair, and no division between communities.
We must finally end the era when Hungarians in Slovakia saw each other as adversaries. Instead, we need a positive atmosphere and faith in the future that instills optimism in our community. That is the task for 2025.
Additionally, we must start preparing for next year’s municipal and regional elections, as well as the parliamentary elections—whether in 2027 or sooner, given the ongoing government crisis in Bratislava. We must keep our powder dry.
You have repeatedly stated that there is no scenario in which the Hungarian Alliance fails to win parliamentary seats in 2027. What specific steps are being taken to achieve this breakthrough, and what would you consider a personal failure if it doesn’t happen?
Failing to secure Hungarian representation would be a personal failure for me. But as I’ve said before, there is no scenario for me where we would fail to enter parliament. With reforms, a favorable atmosphere, and a clear message to local people—not just to Hungarians but also other ethnic groups living alongside us—making them aware that they have no alternative other than the Hungarian Alliance, we can succeed in the parliamentary elections. If we fail, there will be problems, but my political strategy is built on ensuring that we succeed in 2027—whether on our own or by securing proportional representation in Bratislava, as other possibilities exist as well.
The Hungarian Alliance has united politicians with different values. Is there a boundary beyond which no compromise can be made? And where do you see internal division within the Hungarian community today?
Right now, I don’t really sense internal division. If anything, we have made progress in this regard. However, apathy still exists, and that needs to be addressed. We don’t need euphoria, but a healthy trust in the future is essential. I believe that this new era should also manifest as a generational shift in politics. This doesn’t mean that only young people should take the lead—experience and balance are also necessary—but diversity in is important.
We need politicians who can speak to the party’s core supporters, but also those who can engage mixed-marriage families, the Hungarian Roma community, or first-time voters—on Instagram and TikTok. So far, we have underperformed in these areas. Politics, in a good sense, is also a role-playing game. The change should reflect this diversity as well. The role of the president is to be like a good conductor—bringing multiple voices together so that they ultimately form a harmonious whole.
You previously mentioned that the language law should not be further tightened. Do you see any chance that Slovak politics will actively address the revision of existing measures that disadvantage Hungarians, such as the language law or citizenship regulations?
It would certainly be easier to influence these issues from within the parliament, but even an extraparliamentary party has a duty to deal with them. We must continuously seek Slovak partners and address Slovak public opinion as well. On April 5, at the National Council, I will present a program declaration that will include a package for the protection of rights. This will consist, for example, of a long-missing law on defining the legal status of ethnic minorities. Additionally, we will propose an amendment to the electoral law, which could allow an alternative threshold for ethnic minority parties.
Regarding the language law, our goal is to ensure that language use is not regulated by two separate laws – one for the state language and one for minority languages – but rather by a unified regulation based on regional official languages.
For example, in areas where Hungarians live in large numbers, Hungarian should also be an official language. As for the issue of citizenship, the best solution would be to restore the pre-2010 situation, meaning that everyone could freely acquire the citizenship of another country without losing Slovak citizenship. Currently, it is possible to regain it based on the five-year rule, and I have initiated the process under this framework. These rights-related issues form the core character of a Hungarian party. We cannot let them go because they define who we are and why we are a Hungarian party.
In 2011, you lost your Slovak citizenship after gaining Hungarian citizenship. Since then, you have essentially been leading figure in Hungarian politics in Slovakia without Slovak citizenship. Has there been any progress on this issue? Where does the process stand now, and are there any long-term prospects?
The process of regaining my citizenship is underway. I applied based on the five-year rule, meaning that I can prove I lived in Hungary between 2006 and 2011 – for five years preceding my acquisition of Hungarian citizenship – as I was a university student there at the time. My application is currently with the interior ministry, and since I meet all the legal requirements, I trust that the case will be resolved smoothly. When I initiated the procedure my original goal was different, back then, I saw it as a matter of principle. However, today the situation has changed: the community that elected me now expects me to take this step.
Your meeting with Robert Fico drew a great deal of attention. What do you expect from this relationship in the long run? Do you see any chance that the Slovak government could become a real partner in the issues concerning Hungarians in Slovakia?
At the very beginning of our conversation, I indicated to the prime minister that I was attending the meeting as a party leader who currently only holds Hungarian citizenship. He responded by saying that during his previous term in office, there had been events in Hungarian-Slovak relations that he could not be proud of. I considered this an honest self-reflection and took it as a positive sign, but I hope it doesn’t stop there and that concrete measures benefiting the Hungarian community in Slovakia will follow. This is my long-term expectation from this relationship – and not only from Robert Fico but from every Slovak prime minister.
You have repeatedly emphasized that the Hungarian government is a strategic partner. What does this mean in practice, and how can the Hungarian Alliance use this support for the real benefit of the Hungarian community in Slovakia?
The strategic partnership has multiple aspects. There is a moral dimension, which also has a constitutional foundation: Hungary’s Fundamental Law states that the Hungarian state bears responsibility for Hungarian communities beyond its borders. The word "bears" does not only imply a feeling but also action. In practice, this is reflected in the institutional system of national policy – such as the Hungarian Standing Conference or the Forum of Hungarian Representatives in the Carpathian Basin – which provide opportunities for communication and cooperation. The other aspect is support policy. This is not just a gesture but concrete assistance: infrastructural developments such as the renovation of schools, kindergartens, and churches, as well as support for youth and civil society organizations, cultural events, theaters, and teacher associations.
Without these, the fabric of Hungarian public life in Slovakia would undoubtedly be weaker.
If anyone looks at this with envy, I would just say: this is not unique in the world of politics. The Slovak state, for example, can equally support Slovak communities beyond its borders – whether in Hungary, Serbia, or Transylvania. A nation’s self-identity includes caring for its communities that live outside its borders. I see this as something natural and beautiful.
Achieving community goals is not just about formulating messages – people's faith and enthusiasm also need to be restored. How can this be done in an increasingly disillusioned and fragmented community?
A clear vision for the future is needed, one that the community can embrace. Recently, such an example was the idea of the Hungarian National Council or the issue of co-nation status, which were among the goals of the rally in Komarno. For us now, the program for the protection of rights can serve as such a guiding principle: a law on the legal status of ethnic minorities, strengthening the association of municipalities, and enhancing regional representation.
These are not just goals but also forces that can organize and unite the community.
In addition, it is also necessary for the Slovak state to view ethnic minorities living within its borders as contributors to culture – including political culture. Thriving in one’s homeland, prosperity as a Hungarian, should not be a privilege but a natural goal, which the state also supports. Right now, after the consolidation of Hungary-Slovakia relations, I see a chance for a period of strengthening and development. If this is accompanied by an inspiring vision for the future, the Hungarian community in Slovakia can grow both in terms of quality and quantity.
Cover photo: Laszlo Gubik, president of the Hungarian Alliance (Photo: Hungarian Alliance)
