Action for Democracy: Foreign Mercenaries from Marki-Zay to Peter Magyar

The latest report from Hungary's Sovereignty Protection Office details the financing of the Hungarian dollar left from abroad and the role of the US-based Action for Democracy in this. At the same time, the financial background of the Tisza Party, spearheaded by Peter Magyar, may be the focus of new investigations. According to our sources, the foreign donors who backed opposition politician Peter Marki-Zay in 2022 now appear to be clinging to Mr Magyar, who emerged in the wake of the so-called clemency case.

2024. 06. 26. 17:08
Magyar Péter, a Tisza Párt vezetője Fotó: Havran Zoltán/Magyar Nemzet
VéleményhírlevélJobban mondva - heti véleményhírlevél - ahol a hét kiemelt témáihoz fűzött személyes gondolatok összeérnek, részletek itt.

* The network was already active during the 2019 municipal elections at the latest, and was present during (Budapest Mayor) Gergely Karacsony's mayoral campaign. DatAdat made a business offer to support Mr. Karacsony's campaign and carried out an analysis of the politician's potential supporters (to view the original documents, click here, and here.)

The foreign network also includes organizations - typically of background power - such as the German Marshall Fund and the National Endowment for Democracy, both in the US, which are linked to A4D, or the Swiss Fondation Pluralisme, which also finances the scandalous opposition website Ezalenyeg.hu. Other Hungarian authorities, such as the State Audit Office, NAV (Hungary's National Tax Authority) and the National Security Services, also played a role in uncovering the network of financiers and advisors.

A4D's interference in the Hungarian elections was considered a national security risk by Hungary's secret services. 

It has also been revealed that the organization uses foreign diplomats and journalists to make arrangements against Hungary and the Hungarian government. 

Typically, these are influential figures linked to the Hungarian opposition and the US Democratic Party. The latter are mainly older and their influence dates back to the Clinton and Obama presidencies.

* The organization's driving force and executive director, as well as the dollar left's "treasurer" is David Koranyi, a former assistant to the MSZP in the European Parliament (2004-2009), then a confidant and foreign policy advisor to ex-PM Gordon Bajnai (2009-2010), who first appeared in Washington after the fall of the Bajnai government thanks to his connections. Since 2022, he has been at the helm of A4D, but he's also served as chief diplomatic advisor to Budapest Mayor Gergely Karacsony.

* Kati Marton, mentioned frequently as the chair of the international advisory board - but only as a member by the organization's website -  has mocked her native Hungary and described Hungarians as part of a "stupid, ignorant society" and the rural city of Miskolc as an unpleasant place. Her husband, the late star diplomat Richard Holbrooke, was a media personality with close ties to the Clinton administration. Hungary, he opined, had not adequately faced up to the Holocaust. According to a statement by Peter Marki-Zay, the opposition coalition's prime ministerial candidate in 2022, "Kati Marton and her friends have done a lot and collected plenty of support from Hungarians outside the country, and obviously not only from Hungarians, to make this campaign a success.

* Wesley Clark, a four-star US general and former NATO commander in Europe, is an outspoken advocate of escalating the Russia-Ukraine war. Mr Marki-Zay has also boasted that he takes advice from him. In its report based on audio recordings, Hungary's Sovereignty Protection Office states, among other things, that "Clark's cynical assessment of the conflict in Ukraine is that the United States, for political reasons, is "violating every existing military and warfare principle", as it did in Kosovo during his NATO command." Mr Clark also gave pro-war advice to Mr Marki-Zay.

* Andras Simonyi, a familiar figure for those with deep insight into Hungary-US ties, appears as a new figure in the report. Mr. Simonyi is a former MSZMP colleague and later served as ambassador to both NATO and Washington (2002-2010) under the leftist-liberal Hungarian governments. He has lived in the United States for decades and, as an amateur musician, plays in the same band as Antony Blinken, who served as President Biden's Secretary of State. Mr. Simonyi is reported to be vehemently opposed to any investment in Hungary because of the "bad political situation" there and hopes that NATO and the EU will "hold Hungary to account."

* Evelyn Farkas, also of Hungarian descent, whom Mr. Marki-Zay boasted about, saying he receives advice from her, is a former Obama administration official. In the mere mention of the rights of Hungarians beyond the border, she sees an active intention to forcibly redraw Hungary's state borders

* The wife of Budapest-born political scientist Charles Gati, who turns 90 this year, is the Clinton administration's former foreign intelligence chief. Mr. Gati is a strong supporter of freedom of the press in principle, but he displays a blatantly dismissive attitude towards the Hungarian press.

Notably, several others appearing around A4D have spent extended periods of time at the School of Graduate Studies on the Washington campus of Johns Hopkins University, which is suspected of being a gathering place for networkers.

According to sources close to the Hungarian authorities, Mr. Marki-Zay, now a failed politician, was built up by the background power players only to end up as the mayor of Hódmezővásárhely. In contrast, Péter Magyar, who emerged in the wake of the recent clemency case, stepped forward himself and only needed the background power players' approval as someone capable of replacing the Orbán government.

The foreign support of Peter Magyar and his circles could be the subject of a forthcoming report by the Sovereignty Protection Office.

Magyar Nemzet highlighted an earlier piece from the Fire Wall Brigade (Tuzfalcsoport), which states that an initiative called "You Print, Too!" (Nyomtass te is!), distributing left-wing propaganda publications in millions of copies, received 18 million forints in support from A4D. During the campaign period preceding June 9, the initiative became conspicuous for its support for Peter Magyar.

More importantly, Mr. Magyar and his circles have recently started collecting micro-donations. As we pointed out earlier this month, as soon as Mr. Magyar's Rise, Hungarians Community (Talpra Magyarok) was launched and Mr. Magyar took over the Tisza Party, both organizations' websites were set up with lightning speed, offering people an option to donate. Donations can be made by bank transfers and via credit cards, so the ex-husband-turned-politician has resorted to the same method—allegedly collecting micro-donations—as Péter Marki-Zay and Gergely Karácsony. However, the plans of the two left-wing politicians failed, as it turned out that they received financial support from abroad.

Now, money is something that Mr. Magyar definitely needs. Suffice it to recall that the new leader of the left visited around one hundred and seventy municipalities before the elections, holding numerous rallies. The total cost of these campaign events, estimated by experts, could reach one billion forints. The high interaction rates on Mr. Magyar's social media posts have also raised a few questions.

Regarding how these massive expenditures were funded, Mr. Magyar and his circles have remained silent.

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